A few comments about this article which appeared yesterday.
1. We have an excellent electoral system called the FPTP while the Sachs Commission's alphabet soup of electoral options are all PR-based. Which makes that part of the report quite narrow. It's not the fault of the Commission. They were given terms of reference that were not broad enough. Which is a pity. Never mind there are tweaks that can be made to our FPTP setup without changing its essence. I have proposed such a disinterested tweak in July 2014 and have kept improving it in a series of papers. These and the backgrounders are available here. I must confess that initially I didn't understand why the Labour Party of Seewoosagur (who turned 118 yesterday), Kher and Renga were dead against PR. I understand now. It's hard not to have even more respect for them and others who fought against PR when you go deep into the FPTP system and find out how extraordinary it is.
2. The simulations in the article are not realistic because they don't take into account that in three of the four elections with the most lopsided results – which is why we want to improve the FPTP system in the first place – the alliance collapsed before 21 months. These might have an effect on the stability of government in a PR system which is way too dramatic. Furthermore nothing says that the percentage of votes received in an FPTP setup would be the same that would prevail in an PR environment. There are several cases where PR has prevented the formation of government for several months. We don't want that to happen here.
1. We have an excellent electoral system called the FPTP while the Sachs Commission's alphabet soup of electoral options are all PR-based. Which makes that part of the report quite narrow. It's not the fault of the Commission. They were given terms of reference that were not broad enough. Which is a pity. Never mind there are tweaks that can be made to our FPTP setup without changing its essence. I have proposed such a disinterested tweak in July 2014 and have kept improving it in a series of papers. These and the backgrounders are available here. I must confess that initially I didn't understand why the Labour Party of Seewoosagur (who turned 118 yesterday), Kher and Renga were dead against PR. I understand now. It's hard not to have even more respect for them and others who fought against PR when you go deep into the FPTP system and find out how extraordinary it is.
2. The simulations in the article are not realistic because they don't take into account that in three of the four elections with the most lopsided results – which is why we want to improve the FPTP system in the first place – the alliance collapsed before 21 months. These might have an effect on the stability of government in a PR system which is way too dramatic. Furthermore nothing says that the percentage of votes received in an FPTP setup would be the same that would prevail in an PR environment. There are several cases where PR has prevented the formation of government for several months. We don't want that to happen here.