PM Presses Ahead With Own Version of Banana Republic

The bill on electoral reform in the National Assembly (NA) is effectively as dangerous and crappy as the one we massively rejected in December 2014. It doesn't solve anything and shrinks our democracy. Given that we don't have recall elections and statute referendums yet it is important that enough MPs abstain and vote against the introduction of proportional representation (PR). It is even better that a few MPs resign from parliament to send another clear signal that we will not allow Lepep to break yet another of its pledges and put MPs at the centre of a conflict of interest. Let's focus on the parts of this bill that are most dangerous and deal with three misconceptions.

Elekter Kontinye Redesin Terin Politik

An desam 2014 elekter ti konpran ki Ramgoolam, Berenger ek Sithanen ti pe rod fer nu pei vinn enn repiblik bananyer. Alor zot finn fer Ramgoolam perdi puvwar ek so siez, finn gard Sithanen an deor parlman pu omwin sink an ankor ek mank tigit Berenger usi ti pwal dan karo kann. Ek la dernye eleksyon parsyel finn montre nu kuma li top kan nu vot zis pu enn kandida par sirkonskripsyon -- single member constituencies (SMC) an angle: bann parti politik met bon kandida, kalite deba buku pli bon ek pa tann bann betiz kuma 'vot blok' uswa 'si zot ule minis zot bizin vot 3-0'. Mazinn enn kut dan ki kalite bon latmosfer nu bann eleksyon zeneral ti pu derule si nu ti vot pu enn sel kandida dan sak sirkonskripsyon. Anfet li ti kumsa an 1959 ek 1963. Nu tiena karant SMC. Li pa etonan ki sa finn fer nu gayn bann bon depite ek apre bann bon minis kinn fer nu pei mari avanse. Li ti pu bon pu Moris si nu ti return ek 40 SMC.

Gid Inkonple Eleksyon Parsyel Bel-Roz Kat-Born

42,052 elekter pe al vote dimans la semen prosen. Monn ekut pa mal emisyon kot enn pake kandida ti partisipe. Ansam avek se ki mo kone ala mo inpresyon lor zot.

Danrajsingh Aubeeluck. Lider seleb Parti Malin. Si bann zanfan ti vote se li ki ti pu eli. Mo panse li ti pu fer enn byen meyer minis de finans ki Sithanen.

Roshi Badhain. Dapre lord si li ti gayn pos minis ki li pe konvwate li ti pu ankor dan guvernman la. Kon fer komik me pa konpran enn pake zafer inportan. Par ekzanp li dir ki guvernman mank kas parski Ramgoolam finn tro depanse lor erport ek ring road. Li pa konpran ki se flat tax 15% kinn fu Moris dan tru.

Why Electing Bizlall is Voters' Next Logical Step

To understand this we have to recall how they arrive at their decisions. In its most basic form that depends on two things: one is the information they have and the other is their ability to process that info. For sure they make very complex decisions. Which makes electoral data absolutely fascinating.

The First 60-0 Was The 

Optimal Decision, in 1982

It was the optimal for voters to keep every candidates of the outgoing Labour government -- which many consider as the best we ever had -- out of Parliament given the paucity of information that was available then and their sophistication level. Still if you dig a little bit you find out that there was some kind of order in the way they voted. This is apparent when we see who among the unreturned candidates grabbed the highest percentages of votes in their respective riding. As Table 2 shows SR got the highest, followed by SB and Duval. KJ who implemented free education after he came up with the idea was sixth. This table may be familiar to you. It is the same one we used to propose that best loser seats should have been allocated to these people as they had the highest ratings among voters -- Nicol Francois, a candidate from Rodrigues, actually came in right after Duval but doesn't appear here as our proposal wouldn't have granted him an additional seat to reflect the relative sizes of the voting pools of the two island. So what we can note here is that voters seemed to have said "Ok, we're booting all of the guys out but we have decided not to treat everyone of you the same way."

Why Implementing Lalit's Advice Makes A Lot of Sense

You know, the one that recommends bizin plant manze lor later tablisman. This is good advice any which way you look at it. Let's start with a historical perspective. As Chart 1 shows you don't need to be the best thing since sliced bread to understand that the sugar industry has been in an irreversible sunset phase for a long time. It accounted for close to a quarter of GDP forty years ago. Now at less than 1% it's about twenty-five times smaller. That too despite the silly policy of 'competitive depreciation' aka politik rupi mari feb. We can even calculate the approximate time it will hit the zero mark. That should definitely inform our national strategic decisions. Keeping a corpse on costly artificial respiration many years after the soul has departed ain't exactly a smart decision especially when at the same time you cut the oxygen supply of incubators. We can keep a 100 hectares as a souvenir. At most.

Von-Mally's Choice Reveals Why Party Lists Shrink Democracies

Lists to Party

Check the party lists for the ongoing Rodrigues Regional Assembly (RRA) elections and you will find the Leader of the Mouvement Rodriguais (MR) sitting at the top of his. That could be a lot safer for him than contesting one of the 12 FPTP seats especially if the MR doesn't grab too many of them. Which makes it more difficult for voters to dump Mr. Von-Mally. See you needed at least 48.19% of the local region votes in the riding of Port-Mathurin to get into the Regional Assembly back in 2012. A tad more than in 2006. Whereas all you need to qualify for a PR seat is that your party gets at least 10% of the island region votes and it doesn't get enough FPTP candidates elected. There's also another way Von-Mally could get in: his party grabs a majority of the FPTP seats but that majority gets neutralised by the PR seats. He would then go in on the first of the 3 extra seats that guarantee that the winner of the FPTP competitions forms the regional government.